Translate

Thursday, 25 April 2013

EMEKA UGWUONYE'S CASE

A1(a)

A1 (b)
This finding by the Washington DC Bar dismissing the Embassy's complaint against me.
The Embassy took me to the Washington DC Bar. They complained that I refused to return the 1.55 million dollars to them. The DC Bar investigated the claim. I was asked to submit every document involve, including where the Embassy authorized my law practice to keep the money. I submitted everything to the Bar. The Bar showed everything I submitted to them to the Embassy, asking the Embassy to dispute it. The Embassy could not deny the documents I submitted to the Bar. 


After 8 months of thorough investigation, the Bar dismissed the Embassy Complaint and told there was no evidence that I violated the rule. As you can see in the letter, the Bar advised the Embassy that they could not meet the intermediate burden of "Clear and Convincing Evidence". In legal language, it means that they could not meet the higher burden of "Beyond Reasonable Doubt", which is what you need to prove that a person committed a crime. Now, ask yourself the questions: (a) If an American Bar, which knows these things better because it all happened in America, told them they could not meet the burden of proof even for a mere violation of rules of professional conduct, why did they arrest me in Nigeria and accuse me of committing a crime on the same 1.55 million dollars? And (b) Why are they saying I stole money?

A2
This is the Email that Nigerian Ambassador wrote to Farida Waziri that led to my being arrested and detained in Nigeria. From this Email, you can see that the Ambassador could not even mention my name. Also, he could not even remember the amount involved. And he did not say that I committed a crime. He only said I was "sitting on the Embassy money". He then directed that I be arrested. He acknowledged that the case was already in American Court. Question: (b) Is this how Nigerian justice should work? (b) If we were already in court in America and you detain me for 5 months in Nigeria, is it not clear that you want to keep me out of the court in America so you can win by a default judgment?

A3
This is the secret order-to-detain, which the EFCC obtained on February 22, 2011, after already detaining me for 8 days illegally. But note something about this order. There are many problems: (a) The most important problem is that the order says that I was brought before the judge (which is the way the law demands that it be done). But I was never brought before the judge. The law does not leave an option for that sort of order to be issued without the suspect being present in court. So, either that the judge deliberately lied or the EFCC took someone else and pretended it was me. But there is another question: Since the order paper indicated that I was a lawyer, it would have been easy for the judge to know whether the person they told him was Emeka Ugwuonye was indeed a lawyer. A judge would not order a lawyer detained without speaking with him or hearing from him in court, where there is no lawyer representing him. 

Another problem: the order was so emphatic on my being an Igbo. What sort of criminal justice system dwells on the ethnicity of the suspect. So, justice is dispensed in Nigeria based on ethnicity. Also, the languages indicated in the order tells you something horrible about Nigeria. I am not an ethnocentrist, but it is clear that an Igbo man is disadvantaged in the Nigerian criminal justice system. This is particularly so in my case because nearly all the top officials of the EFCC are non-Igbos. Indeed, no single one of them involved in my case was an Igbo. And the judge who probably lied in the order was not an Igbo either. They cannot say that my being an Igbo person was irrelevant. Otherwise, why did they have to put that in their order? 

And finally, the EFCC lied about the offences they said I committed. Eight days after arresting me, they were still pretending that I committed (i) Criminal Breach of Trust (under the Penal Code of Northern Nigeria) (ii) Misappropriation of Public Funds and (iii) Money Laundering. Can you see how the story has changed from what they told the Bar in Washington to the lies they are now telling about me. (If you want to be observant, you would notice that even in important document such as a court order, both the EFCC and the judge could not spell "Misappropriation" correctly). That suggests to you the kangaroo procedure under which they scratched up that order. But that is not all. Note that when the EFCC finally charged me in Abuja, they did not charge me with Misappropriation or Money Laundering. So, they lied about the offences alleged against me just to get an illegal order to detain me.


A4
This is part of the hand-written statement that Ambassador Adefuye gave to the EFCC three weeks after I was detained. You can see that he merely said: "Our plea is that Ugwuonye be made to pay back the money he is owing the embassy". Questions: (a) Where then is the crime of stealing? (b) If I was merely owing the embassy money, do you use arrest and detention to collect a debt? (c) Why are you using the Nigerian police/EFCC to collect money that is "owed" in Washington? (d) Is there no law in Washington where the money was "owed"?

Wednesday, 24 April 2013

NIGERIAN AMBASSADOR ADEFUYE: DUMB OR JUST DESPERATE?


Why is the Nigerian official usually the laughing stock of the world? The answer would not be far in coming if ever you have worked with Nigerian Government officials in any civilized country. Most of our officials must clearly have been selected from the worst of the country.
Consider this: Only a Nigerian Ambassador would celebrate a default judgment made against a defunct entity for the reason that the entity failed to defend a suit. Even a 12-year old would understand the meaning of default judgment.
Is it that Ambassador Adefuye is actually more daft than I had known all along or that he is so desperate? While someone not familiar with these things might be worried over all the stuff being written in their blogs, an informed person should rather feel some pity for the Nigerian Ambassador. They got a default judgment against a corporate entity that was forfeited since 2009, and the Ambassador is having a party for it.

WHAT IS REALLY GOING ON IN THE COURT HERE? This is a civil case. No single insinuation of crime is being made. The Embassy is asking that we refund the 1.5 million they claim was not authorized as payment to us. And we countersued the Embassy for 2.5 million dollars. The two suits are pending. They are trying to get 1.5 million from me and I am trying to get 2.5 million, which they owe me. That is the status of the case today.

In a default judgment, the court did not even go into any quest of facts and merits. The court did not even determine the damages yet that they would be able to collect. And how can you collect from a company that is defunct? Only a dumb person would misunderstanding what is happening when the facts are so clear.

During the time I represented the Embassy of Nigeria, would this Ambassador recall the number of default judgments that were entered against the Embassy and I had them all vacated? Nobody in his right mind would celebrate like this. And to hear it is an Embassy and probably the Government of Nigeria, you would have to conclude that our country is sicker than we know.

I am actually hoping that this case would end with a judgment that the Government of Nigeria owed me 2.5 million and an order for them to pay it to me. If that happens, I would seize the Embassy building in Washington and auction it to get my money.



IN THE AGE OF MEDIA FRAUD


IN THE AGE OF MEDIA FRAUD:
There was no judgement against Emeka Ugwuonye. There was no judgment on the merits of anything. There was no crime ever committed or alleged against me. They just think you cannot read.

THE EMBASSY OF NIGERIA V. EMEKA UGWUONYE, ET AL. UNITED STATES DISTRICT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Statement By Emeka Ugwuonye, Esquire, Regarding an Order of Default Against ECU Associates, PC.
                           April 23, 2013

Regarding an order of default made against the corporate name, ECU Associates, PC, in the above case, the following statement applies, just for the purpose of clarification of any confusion that may exist thereabout.

First and foremost, it was not really an order against me. And the use of the word “stolen” was carefully and deliberately placed in parenthesis because it is a false. It just the mischievous objective of suggesting that there was a wrongdoing.

The lawsuit filed by the Embassy of Nigeria, Washington, was filed against five defendants, as follows: (a) Emeka Ugwuonye, (b) Bruce Fein (c) Marvin E. Perlis; as individuals, (d) ECU Associates, PC and (e) Eculaw Group, as corporate entities and /or partnerships.

Prior to the filing of this lawsuit the Charter of ECU Associates, PC was forfeited and hence ECU was in an inactive status and ought not to have been sued in that name. In view of that fact, the status of ECU Associates as a party to this lawsuit was automatically in issue. I moved for a summary judgment to remove both ECU Associates and ECULAW as parties to the lawsuit. The Embassy lawyers argued otherwise. In the end, we got to a mid-point outcome on the matter. The Court dropped ECULAW, but retained ECU Associates.

At that point, we had a technical situation. ECU Associates had no further legal existence and yet remained a party to the suit. For whatever it was worth, my decision was to move forward with the court’s position as regards the party-status of ECU Associates, as that decision could not be challenged by way of an interlocutory appeal. It now can be challenged because we have a final order regarding ECU Associates.

The decision to retain ECU Associates, PC as a party in the lawsuit despite its defunct corporate status meant that a default judgment against the non-existent entity would be inevitable. The reason is obvious, a non-existent corporate entity cannot hire a lawyer to defend itself. It cannot do anything at all. And this was in addition to other grounds advanced in the documents filed in court on the point. 

As ECU Associates could not defend itself, having been since dead, the court was faced with a default order. A default order is not an order on the merits. It is not based on who is right or wrong as per the evidence or facts of the case. So, the real status of the money in dispute between the Embassy of Nigeria and Emeka Ugwuonye is still yet to be decided by the court. Also, the court has not decided the counter claim of over 2 million dollars I filed against the Government of Nigeria. The case continues among the real parties.

What would be the next step for me? I am defending this case and the other cases between the Government and me. Also, I am prosecuting at least one major case against the Government of Nigeria. Today’s decision is a technicality. And one technicality begets another technicality. So, an appropriate measure would be taken soon in response. 

One thing I must stress is that there is no cause for alarm. I certainly do not feel any, in view of the procedural history of the case and certain unique facts. Obviously, this case has pitted me against the friends of Ambassador Adefuye. It is natural that they would rejoice at this and may even call it victory. In fact, there have been reports in the obvious blogs on this matter, which all failed to share the real truth of the matter with the public. But it is only a pyrrhic victory for my opponents. 

Thank you

Monday, 22 April 2013

NO, MR. PRESIDENT, NO TO AMNESTY FOR BOKO HARAM! By Emeka Ugwuonye

Nigerians love peace, but only a lasting peace would be worth it. Nigerians love an end to the bombings, but they love justice more. The amnesty deal the Government offered to Boko Haram lacks the ability to usher in a lasting peace, and it lacks every attribute of justice. Therefore it is not worth it. And in any case, the offer has been rejected by those to whom it was made, raising all doubts that the Government knows what it is doing. The offer of amnesty is like a marriage proposal. You don’t make it to a bribe you haven’t seen her face, especially one that had previously turned down your proposal and told you to your face that she hated you. To keep begging is so unbecoming of a President and a country.

I first read about Boko Haram in January of 2011. I happened to learn about the cases of several young people, some aged 10 to 15 years, who were being detained enmass in various prisons because they were suspected of being members of the Boko Haram sect. I had wondered what sort of country it was that would be so afraid of its citizens aged 10 to 15 that it had to lock them up enmass. I knew instantly that there was something wrong. When I had the opportunity to read more about this sect, I learned how its founder, quite a trouble maker no doubt, was captured by the Nigerian soldiers, placed in handcuffs and handed over to the Nigerian police, only for the police to shoot him dead while still in handcuffs. News media accounts indicated that many more of his members were similarly and summarily killed by the Nigerian police. It would seem that with them died justice and due process, and that was a sign of a bad beginning.

By the end of 2011, Boko Haram had become the metaphor for terror. By August of 2011, it had gone as far as bringing down the United Nations building in an unprecedented attack. Countless similar explosions, including one at the Nigerian police headquarters in Abuja, followed. Boko Haram’s methodology in its campaign of terror was unknown to Nigerians. In a country where people tend to want to live at all costs and against all odds, a suicide attack is something the people would find difficult to cope with. In response to the problem, the Nigerian Government exhibited all manner of weakness and incompetence for a country.

First, the Government could not quite make up its mind on how to communicate on the matter. Even to articulate a clear and consistent message to the people or to the world or to Boko Haram was so impossible for the Nigerian authorities. The President basically told Nigerians that it was just the country’s turn to get its share of terrorism. Then the President announced to the amazement of the world that he believed that supporters of Boko Haram were in his government, the legislature and the judiciary as well. Also, the President allowed his supporters to occasionally blame the insurgency on General Buhari and some other political opponents. Yet Again, the Presidency did not know how to keep the loquacious former President, Obasanjo, from openly advancing different opinions on the matter. It got to a point where Obasanjo and the Presidency publicly disagreed. Even the National Security Advisor had a public position that was different from that of the President. The former blamed Boko Haram on the PDP leadership problems, only for the President to publicly denounce his views within hours. Clearly the President did not know how to define the problem, how much less how to go about solving it.

On the operational front, the Government has shown similar degree of incompetence and ineptitude. It appeared not to have made up its mind on how to use military force to deal with the sect. There was a heavy mobilization of the Nigerian troops, as if to fight a conventional war along defined battlefields. Yet, this has been an asymmetrical warfare that called for strategies and tactics, for which a conventional army is most unsuitable. Indeed, Obasanjo had hammered on this gap, even though he failed to proffer a credible alternative. But the fact is that you do not put out armored tanks and uniformed infantrymen in the streets against an un-uniformed part-time militant who could be cruising around the town on bikes or mingling with traders in the fruit market. It appears that the Nigerian Army and other security forces lacked the intelligence with which to isolate Boko Haram and dislodge it.

In would appear that the heavy handed boots-on-the ground method which the Nigerian Government adopted was an absolute disaster. It isolated the local population that would have provided the critical intelligence the Government needed to combat the group. When America faced a similar situation in Iraq, it realized that the best way to defeat Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and his men was to work with the local population that provided cover for him. The proper target was to warm up to the population and embrace it. Within months, al-Zarqawi was routed and his forces destroyed, leading to a victory over al-Qaeda-linked militants in Iraq. On the contrary, Nigerian forces’ indiscriminate use of heavy armor and firepower in Maiduguri and affected states in the Northeast actually strengthened Boko Haram and gave it a political advantage.

On the legal and justice angle, there is even a more palpable failure. Apart from the mass arrests and detentions of every kid that looked like them, the Nigerian Ministry of Justice totally failed to live up to the challenge. A wiser approach would have been for the Ministry of Justice to play a more robust role in the effort to defeat Boko Haram. If the Presidency continued to suggest that certain people were supporting and aiding Boko Haram, how come that the Ministry of Justice did not press charges or issue indictments against such people? What is the Ministry of Justice waiting for? How come that the Ministry had no plan to answer to the allegations of widespread human rights abuses associated with the campaign against Boko Haram? How come that the Ministry did not advise the country against the haphazard and ill-informed declaration of state of emergency in 2011? In respect of the few arrests made, how come that the Ministry of Justice did not put up vigorous prosecution against the individuals arrested. Indeed, in the case against Senator Ali Ndume, who was arrested on the allegations of aiding Boko Haram, Justice Gabriel Kolawole, Abuja Federal High Court Judge, presiding over the case, was so furious at the lackadaisical attitude of the prosecution that he threatened to dismiss the case for want of diligent prosecution.

Also, on the social and political justice of the matter, the Government seems to have absolutely no consideration for the victims of the terrorist attacks. There has been absolutely no talk of compensation for the victims. This is a terrible gap in policy thinking and calculation. If indeed the Government honestly believed that Boko Haram had a political objective behind the bombings, it must acknowledge that the victims were caught in the crossfire of a political conflict, and they are victims of no fault of their own. How come then that the Government has not considered the well-being of the victims and fashioned a meaningful compensation program? That would be the just thing to do, it seems. And quite troubling is the ethnic and religious dimension to the insurgency. The leaders of Boko Haram are from one part of the country while the victims are predominantly from another part. There has been a deliberate targeting of the Igbos, Southerners and Christians. It became no longer a coincidence when you consider the message of Boko Haram confirming that it wanted a total islamization of Nigeria or its polity, and that it wanted non-indigenes to leave the North. Finally on this point, it is an incredible irony that the same Igbos that went to all odds to elect Jonathan would be the ones to pay the greatest price for an insurgency that is determined to overthrow him, and the Igbos go totally uncompensated for their losses. Apparently, the interest of these victims is actually the least in the thoughts of the Government.

Equally, the Nigerian Government failed to persuade the international community to take a clear and supporting position on the Nigerian Government’s struggles against Boko Haram. Indeed, America, the most critical supporting force, failed to declare Boko Haram a terrorist organization. The signal was clear. It meant that the international community was not convinced that the cause of Boko Haram does not have some merits, even if its method is violent and terrorism-oriented. The attitude of the international community suggests some belief that Boko Haram might have some legitimate grievance, particularly against corruption in the government and social injustices and inequities in Nigeria. Indirectly, this attitude blames the Government for the insurgency.

With things as they are, what then is the basis of the amnesty being offered to Boko Haram, which it has predictably rejected? For whose benefit is this amnesty because apparently Boko Haram does not seem to think it is in its interest? It would seem that the decision of Jonathan’s administration to offer amnesty at this time is born out of a desire to sustain this administration at some level of viability to enable the President to remain a winning candidate in the next election. With the blunders that the Government has made over Boko Haram so far, it is only a matter of time before the failures of the Government would become a glaring impediment to the President’s political future. So, it seems that a quick fix is what they are looking for, and not a lasting solution. And despite all appearances to the contrary, it seems that it is the Government and supporters of the President for the next election that are eager to create the appearance of peace by pleading with the Boko Haram to accept amnesty and observe a ceasefire perhaps until after the elections. But really, Nigerians deserve better.

The dilemma the President faces in any event is that the victims of this insurgency, who have been treated like sacrificial lambs with little value afterwards would not forget easily. Their votes put the President in office, and their votes would be sufficient to keep him away from it in the future. The Boko Haram issue, therefore, ought not to be handled with kids’ glove. The Government ought to return to the drawing board and try to fix many of the gaping wholes in its thinking, strategy and tactics. Only a lasting peace will do. A mere ceasefire is unacceptable at this point.

The Boko Haram issue, therefore, ought not to be handled with kids’ glove. The Government ought to return to the drawing board and try to fix many of the gaping wholes in its thinking, strategy and tactics. Only a lasting peace will do. A mere ceasefire is unacceptable at this point.

Sunday, 21 April 2013

DUE PROCESS OF THE LAW: MY UNUSUAL SOURCES OF INSIGHT. By Emeka Ugwuonye

My commitment to due process of the law was not just a matter of my great legal education and scholarship. It has been also a matter of my entire life experience from infancy in a civil war and through my early adolescence and the beginning of adulthood, all spent in Enugu State of Nigeria, mostly in the village. Whether it was a land dispute in the village between one clan and another, or it was some extended family opportunistically turning against a young widow and accusing her of disrespect to some elderly males, or it was a childless old woman being accused of witchcraft; I saw issues of due process unfolding before my curious and youthful eyes. Added to this was the fact that my grandfather was the chief judge of the customary court, and I was said to have been his reincarnate. I believe I was custom-made to advocate for due process.

Here, I would like to share the unusual insight that came from my reading of cases and trials in the Bible. The entire Bible is littered with cases and trials, judgments and many real due process challenges. Any lawyer that pays close attention to these cases have so much to learn and to ponder over. Obviously one of the most outstanding of those cases was the trial of Jesus Christ himself. Pontius Pilate did not have sufficient evidence to convict Jesus. But he had to please the religious leaders of the Jewish faith then and he delivered Jesus in judgment to them for him to be crucified, which was the major form of capital punishment at that time. As a student of constitutional law, I understood the meaning of “cruel and unusual punishment” and due process when I read the case of Jesus again and again.

In this piece, my attention focuses on the Acts of the Apostles, Chapter 25 - Paul’s Trial Before Festus and Paul’s appeal to Emperor Augustus Caesar to avoid a plot against his life.

Governor Antonius Felix had tried Paul, but left him bound in chains in Caesarea. When Porcius Festus replaced Felix, Paul’s Jewish accusers decide to re-try the case against Paul. After three days of Festus arriving at Caesarea, the capital of the Judean province, he immediately made a trip to Jerusalem, probably the most important city of the province. While in Jerusalem, the high priest and the chief men of the Jews petitioned to Festus against Paul; asking the new Governor to summon Paul to Jerusalem for a new trial; while they set an ambush along the road to kill Paul on his way to answer any such summon.

Upon the completion of the transition from the governorship of Felix to that of Festus, Paul’s case was one of the first leadership challenges that faced Festus.

Though it had been two years, the case of Paul was still important to the religious leaders. They hoped that the new Governor would summon Paul to appear before him for trial again in Jerusalem. But they were only trying to use the trial as a cover for something else they had in mind – to kill Paul.

One could see that Paul’s imprisonment in Caesarea was actually a providential provision of protective custody against the murderous intentions of the religious leaders. It was also for Paul a season of rest and replenishment after his years of hard missionary service, preparing him for the challenges in the years ahead.

The religious leaders knew that Paul would be acquitted in any fair trial. Therefore, they didn’t really want Paul to be put on trial again; they wanted to ambush and murder him before the trial could take place. Now for me, these bear direct inspirational implications for my own experience. The Nigerian Government knew that I did not commit any offense whatsoever. They knew that I did not violate any American law, and I did not even violate any Nigerian law. They were merely using the criminal justice system as a cover for their true intentions – which was to kill me and prevent me from revealing the corruption perpetrated by some top officials of Nigeria. They laid an ambush for me at the Murtala Mohammed Airport where they intercepted me.

One could see a growth of corruption even in the story of Paul. In Acts 23, where the plot to murder Paul was first launched, we find that it was the zealots who were responsible. Now, in Acts 25, we find that the leaders are initiating the very thing they were only tangentially involved in earlier. Likewise, in my case, my problem started from a mere disagreement with a Nigerian Ambassador that hated the Igbos so passionately and had continued to glorify his exploits in the war against the Igbos. But due to several complicate chain of events, Nigerian Government and the Presidency were now all out to destroy me.

But Festus refused to put Paul on trial again in Jerusalem. Instead, the Governor answered that Paul should be kept at Caesarea, and that he himself was going back there shortly. “Therefore,” Festus said, “let those who have authority among you go down with me and accuse this man, to see if there is any fault in him.” He refused to grant their request for a change of venue, and this was another way that God protected Paul’s life. That was due process at work. Due process is another name for God’s work. It is a fact well known to people familiar with the administration of justice that venue is critical to the outcome of cases. Whether James Ibori is tried in Asaba or London or whether Henry Okah is tried in Nigeria or South African, would make a difference. Nigerian Government knows this too well and that is why the Nigerian officials move cases from one location to another according the plan of the day.

Festus re-opened the trial in Caesarea and presided in judgment. Sitting on the judgment seat, he commanded Paul to be brought. In other words, Paul’s case was called up. As they had done before, the religious leaders made accusations without evidence against Paul. In response, Paul confidently answered for himself, “Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I offended in anything at all.” When my case was called up in Nigerian courts, I made similar defense as Paul did by saying that I had violated neither the laws of Nigeria nor the Laws of the United States nor any other law known any civilized society.

Many in the Bible were the targets of false accusations (such as Joseph and Daniel and even Jesus). But Festus, wanting to do the Jews a favor, asked Paul: “Are you willing to go up to Jerusalem and there be judged before me concerning these things?” So Paul said, “I stand at Caesar’s judgment seat, where I ought to be judged. To the Jews I have done no wrong, as you very well know.” Similarly, before Justice Christopher Balogun of the Lagos High Court, I made it clear that I stand before the American justice, and only America can try me, not Nigeria. I came to the Nigerian court well aware of the Paul’s trial and prepared to follow Paul’s defensive reasoning.

Paul continued his defense: “For if I am an offender, or have committed anything deserving of death, I do not object to dying; but if there is nothing in these things of which these men accuse me, no one can deliver me to them. I appeal to Caesar.” Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, “You have appealed to Caesar? To Caesar you shall go!” Likewise, Judge Balogun told the EFCC that all you have alleged against Emeka Ugwuonye occurred in America. He asked why are you pursuing him here in Lagos? And like Felix, Judge Balogun told them that in America it occurred, in America it should be resolved. (It is this judgment that Saharareporters and his hired hands would tell you is still on appeal in Nigeria).

The decision to appeal to Caesar was brilliant and only possible because Paul was a Roman citizen. It was the right of every Roman citizen to have his case heard by Caesar himself, after initial trials and appeals failed to reach a satisfactory decision. This was in effect an appeal to the supreme court of the Roman Empire. Rightly and wisely, Paul wanted to avoid martyrdom if he could. He wasn’t afraid to face the lions, but he didn’t want to put his head in a lion’s mouth if he could avoid it. Paul’s appeal made sense. He was convinced that the evidence was on his side and that he would win in a fair trial. 

Festus was in a bind. He knew that the evidence and law of the case favored Paul. But at the same time, he knew that the success of his tenure as a Governor of the Judean Province would depend on him and the religious leaders of the Jews getting along well. The difficulty faced by Festus was captured in his words as he presented the case of Paul to King Agrippa. Festus stated the case thus: “There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix. When I was in Jerusalem the chief priests and the elders of the Jews petitioned me, asking me to render judgment against him. But I answered them that, ‘It is not the custom of the Romans to judge an accused person guilty before the accused meets the accusers face to face, and has opportunity to answer for himself concerning the charge against him.’”

The above statement of Festus was a classic restatement of the meaning of due process – that a person cannot be found guilty until he has been given the opportunity to defend himself. As an avid student of due process, you can imagine how my mind rejoiced when I read this biblical account from my solitary confinement in the detention cell of the EFCC.

The remarkable due process challenge here was the pressure to decide the case in a particular way, regardless of the evidence. How often in our times do our judges face the pressure to decide cases in manners notwithstanding the evidence? Can you imagine a judge in Lagos, for instance? Her husband or relative is a businessman. She knows that the EFCC could accuse her husband or relative of something any day. And she is presiding over a case involving the EFCC. You can see from her decisions in such a case that she is under pressure. She denies bail where justice would have demanded that she grant it. She imposes impossible bail conditions where justice would have demanded lenient bail terms. She does all these just to please the EFCC. And the EFCC continually uses blackmail to pressure the judges. You see a judge in Abuja, for instance. His wife or son or brother has a pending application for land in Abuja. And you sue the Minister of Abuja before such a judge. He would be under pressure to decide the case as would please the Minister of Abuja.

Due process of law is an ideal we shall live by each day. It confronts us every day of our lives. We are better humans when we come to realize that every individual should be entitled to equal treatment under the law and equal access to justice. The lessons of due process, which are lessons of life, demand that we stand for justice and truth and fairness in everything we do and in any case we are confronted with. If Saharareporters truly were against injustice and corruption in Nigeria, it would not matter who the victim is. If Okey Ndibe ever stood for justice and fairness in Nigeria, he would be upset if a Nigerian citizen were to be detained without trial for five months. Instead, he gloats that he defeated such a man in a contest, albeit falsely. If Okey Ndibe were to be taken seriously, he would be consistent in something, anything.

Acknowledgment:
The writer drew extensively from,www.enduringwords.com. © 2012 David Guzik

Monday, 15 April 2013

WELCOME, NEW MEMBERS OF THE DUE PROCESS ADVOCATES

WELCOME, NEW MEMBERS OF THE DUE PROCESS ADVOCATES

Every so often, we pause to acknowledge the new members of DPA. In the past couple of months, our membership has doubled. I use this opportunity to welcome our new members. We are so happy to have you here. You may kindly take one minute or so to review the group’s rules and principles and explanation of its logo, which are reproduced in this address. I am sure that when you do, you would agree that this is a great, self-governing virtual community of well meaning people who advocate for justice, rule of law, freedoms and civil liberty.

You were invited to become a member because another member believes that you would make a good advocate for justice and rule of law. Our main goal is to make DPA the authentic voice for justice, fairness, equity and right to the pursuit of happiness.

In the wake of the cold-blooded murders of four innocent students of Uniport, Nigeria, the Due Process Advocates formerly “Uniport 4” Organization was established. We shall continue to use what happened in Uniport as opportunity to condemn jungle justice, violent vigilantism, extra-judicial executions, crimes of sexual exploitation against women and children.

GROUP RULES:

(1) PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY: Even though we are all members of this group, each person is solely responsible for his or her own posting and comments. While there is a common group interest in due process of law, there is no group responsibility for comments and postings made by a member.

(2) STANDARDS OF CIVILITY: Members shall observe civility in all communications either in general or between members. Disagreements must be done with dignity and respect to those we disagree with.

(3) LAW, JUSTICE AND DUE PROCESS: Members are encouraged to focus their postings on subject maters that concern these core themes. In this group, we shall focus on law, governments and institution as they pertain to law and justice.

(4) FOCUS ON VALUE AND BENEFIT TO MEMBERS: This group aspires to confer tangible benefits to members. We come from diverse backgrounds and age and experience. Many of us could be of help to others and vice versa. We shall simply help and learn from each other wherever possible and reasonable.

(5) THE RIGHT TO POST MESSAGES: All members shall have the right to post messages. But admin group may have to approve a posting. For this purpose, we shall appoint a number of people as administrators.

(6) NEW MEMBERS: We welcome all people without discrimination. And we encourage members to recommend and subscribe those of their friends whom they feel would be suitable members of this group. We only urge that each member should read and be familiar with our RULES and be guided by same.

(7) GLOBAL VALUES AND PERSPECTIVES: Even though our group has predominantly Nigerians as members, the goal of this group is to attract members from all over the world so we would have a truly universal or global community here. The more diverse the membership of the group, the greater the opportunity for us to learn from one another and to broaden our knowledge of the larger world. This is intended to be a truly quality group of refined people.

(8) GROUP EVENTS: Members shall hold many events - parties, seminars, social activities, etc. - in various parts of the world as the opportunity would exist. The whole idea is to accept our virtual world as a viable social medium for interaction in various forms.

DPA LOGO, EXPLAINED

Our logo is, in my opinion, a masterpiece, reflecting superior design skills and creativity on the part of Emmanuel Kc Civilian Amucha. It also reflects a great name, thanks to the name committee. Apart from the aesthetics, the logo contains all there is about the founding spirit and philosophy of DPA. Two key statements define us. The first statement starts off with the words: "knowledge + love + sharing = power WE". This is our message to the world. We believe that knowledge and love are two things that you earn more of only when you share them. Consider the other things in life. If you give away money, you have less of it. If you give away your property, you have less of it. But if you give away knowledge or love, you have more love and more knowledge. And with enough love, you can give away your money without losing it. So, why hesitate to give away knowledge and love?

When you share knowledge and love, you create a strong human community, which is the WE. If you recall, the Preamble to the Constitution of the United States starts with the words “We the people”. That is the WE power or power WE. So, in order to create a strong community where we could say "We the people", we need to share knowledge and we need to share love. And if you look inside the logo itself, you would see shapes of a multitude, the people, raising their hands as if to say, "We, the people". That's powerful.

Then you have our second message, which comes by way of an admonition, telling the people the danger of silence and lack of vigilance over their rights. As they say in equity: "Vigilantibus et non dormientibus jura subveniunt”, which translates to say that Equity aids only the vigilant, not the indolent. As a result, equity will not encourage a person who sleeps on his/her rights. Also, it reminds us of the statement by Thomas Jefferson that, “Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty". So, we have to guard our rights vigilantly and we have to have knowledge. If we don't know or if we forget our rights, then such rights would not exist. I think that our logo is rich in meaning and exquisite in design. I thank all of you for inspiring this logo and the message.

Again, congratulations for becoming a member of DPA. For our members in the United States do not forget to file for your taxes today.

Emeka Ugwuonye, Esquire
ECULAW GROUP
Group Founder and Principal Administrator

Sunday, 14 April 2013

AN ANALYSIS OF THE DUE PROCESS RIGHTS OF CYRIACUS NJOKU By Emeka Ugwuonye

Given the urgency of this matter and the widespread confusion around it, I hereby undertake to provide a summary analysis of the due process rights of Mr. Cyriacus Njoku.

I start with a reference to a newspaper report on the case, thus: “Barely two weeks after he challenged the eligibility of President Goodluck Jonathan to stand election in 2015, the man, Mr. Cyriacus Njoku, has been arrested and sent to jail for alleged rape. Similarly, his defence counsel, Mr. Ugochukwu Osuagwu, has fled the country with members of his family, alleging that he had been under constant threats of elimination by unknown persons...” Vanguard, April 11, 2013.

The principal requirement of due process is that a person’s legal status cannot change adversely without the due process of the law. It is fundamental, constitutional guarantee that all legal proceedings will be fair and that one will be given notice of the proceedings and an opportunity to be heard before the government acts to take away one's life, liberty, or property. Also, due process is a constitutional guarantee that a law shall not be unreasonable, arbitrary, or capricious. (http://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/Due+Process+of+Law). In addition to substantive rights, the Constitution also sets out the standard procedures that must be followed before a person’s legal status could be altered negatively. For instance, a free man cannot lose his liberty except if all the requirements of law have been complied with.

The constitutional guarantee of due process of law is found in Chapter IV of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. Chapter IV of the Constitution, prohibits all levels of government from arbitrarily or unfairly depriving individuals of their basic constitutional rights to life, liberty, and property. Due process has had a fairly strong historical origin in the English Magna Cater through the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution. The due process clause in Chapter IV of Nigeria’s Constitution shared a common jurisprudential origin as the British and American examples. Both the principle and objective of the law are the same in these countries, which is to establish the rule that individuals shall not be deprived of life, liberty, or property without notice and an opportunity to defend themselves

It is significant that the Constitution provides the anchor for a person’s due process rights. The emphasis is on the word, rights, because the Constitution deliberately provided for the due process expectations within the fundamental rights grant. This means that it is really not up to the Government to grant or respect these rights. Rather, the Government is duty-bound to uphold these standards. Also, various laws in the country have provisions aimed at protecting the due process rights of individuals. In addition to specific laws dealing on due process, there are certain conditions that are put in place for the purpose of enhancing due process. In this respect, experts speak of these rights as substantive and procedural due process.

Examples of substantive due process rights are the freedom of speech, freedom of movement, right to liberty, etc. Examples of procedural due process rights are the rights to fair hearing, right to the presumption of innocence, right to counsel of your choice, right to trial by a court of law, right against self incrimination, right to speedy trial, right to a reasonable opportunity to prepare for your defence, right to be present during trial, right to confront adverse witnesses and to controvert their testimony, etc.. The combined effect of these rights is that a person cannot simply move from being a free man one day to becoming a rapist the next day without going through the whole hog of the constitutionally mandated legal procedure that ends in a conviction based on proof beyond reasonable doubts.

Indeed, borrowing from Achebe’s metaphor, the procedural due process rights are the oil with which the other rights and liberties are to be enjoyed. Without these procedural rights, the rest of rights and freedoms would have no meaning. Your freedom of movement has no meaning if the government can lock you up whenever it likes. Your freedom of speech would have no practical relevance if the government could come up with some fancy charges and throw you into jail as it pleases. The requirement that they try you in a court of law and that you be presumed innocent until proven guilty was put in place just to prevent the state from doing to you what Nigeria is now doing to Mr. Njoku.

Part of the due process requirement is that a person who has committed an offence must be tried immediately. It is not clear when this rape was allegedly committed. Whether the alleged victim was a set up by party politicians who wanted Mr. Njoku out of the way is a plausible explanation.

Also, due process rights require that the person accused of crime should be given the opportunity to defend himself. Having this man locked up in Suleja prisons and denied access to lawyers and his family is a fundamental violation of his due process rights.

Further, due process requires that the person accused of committing a crime should have the right to hire a lawyer of his choice. However, where the State or the regime elements have successfully intimidated the lawyer hired by the accused and put fear in him, causing him to flee the country, there cannot be said to be due process. In fact, the exiling of the accused lawyer casts a chill on all other lawyers in the country to be approached by Mr. Njoku. It was like a gangland maneuver where a message of fear is sent across to those likely to ask questions with an obvious intent to scare.

Another important aspect of due process is that the person accused of a crime should be granted bail to enable him defend himself in court of law. But this man has been denied bail, making it impossible for him to meet with his lawyers and to review his documents and diaries and to contact those that would testify on his behalf. Indeed, the conditions under which he is detained currently violate his right to counsel of his choice and to prepare his defence.

Another aspects to consider in this matter is the fact that Mr. Njoku has a case pending at the Court of Appeal. By having him locked up in the manner they have done, it is clear what the effect would be on the appeal. That appeal could really be the target of the man’s arrest and current prosecution. From the notable case of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and through the case of Shugaba, Nigerian Government has a history of using false detentions and malicious prosecutions as instruments for controlling outcomes elsewhere. It will be consistent with such ignoble practice to arrest and prosecute Mr. Njoku in order to derail his appeal.

The government has often aimed at the gullibility of the average Nigerian. Many Nigerians do not realize that it does not take anything to accuse a person of a crime. By the practice of the Nigerian law enforcement authorities, it takes nothing at all to call a person a rapist or a treasonable felon or even an alien. As a result, many Nigerians upon hearing such an allegation sillily believe that a criminal has been identified and they begin to make the presumptions of guilt contrary to law. After many years of deliberately depriving Nigerians of quality education and normal development, the Government now hopes to harvest a gullible, malleable and manipulable population which will believe everything it is told.

Whenever there has been such an egregious violation of a person’s due process rights as in this case, it is safe to assume that the charges against Njoku are trumped up charges. It is safe to assume in this case that this man will be found not guilty and that he has been persecuted for political purposes and that he is a political prisoner. This conclusion is what the state has forced upon us by its reckless and continuing violation of the procedural and substantive due process rights of this man.

This case also confirms that Nigerian government officials do not care a damn about Nigeria. They do not care about the interest of the country or the interest of the people. They care only about power and office holding which in turn brings to them vast opportunities for corrupt enrichment. The criminal may not be the man in detention, but rather the government officials who orchestrated this the events of this charge. This is what the German Government must have easily deduced to justify such an automatic grant of asylum to the lawyer of Mr. Njoku.

WHY I OFFER TO REPRESENT CYRIACUS NJOKU FREE OF CHARGE - Emeka Ugwuonye

Mr. Cyriacus Njoku is a Nigerian politician and a journalist by profession. He is a member of the ruling party. He took it upon himself to challenge the eligibility of President Jonathan in the coming presidential election, which is an increasingly contentious political question in Nigeria today. In pursuing the matter in the Nigerian courts, Mr. Njoku hired as his lawyer Mr. Ugochukwu Osuagwu. That case has progressed to the Nigerian Court of Appeal. But then things assumed a bizarre dimension when Mr. Njoku’s lawyer ran into the German Embassy premises in Abuja seeking an asylum from Germany against persecution by Nigerian Government.

Asylum is a thorny issue in the diplomatic community, especially when the asylee seeks protection from a foreign embassy within the country he is fleeing from. Here, Germany, despite a history of congenial relationship with Nigerian Government, agreed that Mr. Osuagwu is a victim of political persecution and duly granted him and his family asylum, enabling them to move to Germany where they are now settling down as refugees. The action of the German Government in granting asylum is the first objective test of the validity of the allegations of persecution. For Germany to grant asylum under the circumstances, it must have been satisfied that there were credible grounds to believe that the Nigerian authorities had targeted the lawyer for representing Mr. Njoku.

Further, it is a legitimate constitutional question whether this President, having twice subscribed to the oath of office as the President of Nigeria, is thereby disqualified from running in the 2015 election, an event that might lead to him taking the oath of office for the third time. Regardless of what anyone may think, that is a weighty issue that ought to be definitively clarified by the highest court in the land. Therefore, Mr. Njoku is rendering an invaluable service to Nigeria by taking it upon himself to table that question before the courts. Rather than be upset with him, President Jonathan should award him a medal of honor for patriotism. But instead of a medal, he ironically gets the metal bars in prison.

On further consideration along the lines of strategic value, the lawsuit by Mr. Njoku on these constitutional controversies is of immense value to the political future of this President. If the President were able to defeat Mr. Njoku in the court of law, that would accord him and his next possible tenure a degree of legitimacy and moral capital that he would need to rule Nigeria beyond 2015. The President and his men ought to encourage Mr. Njoku, rather than hound him from pillar to post for daring to ventilate the issues in a court of law. Also, I must add that in an era when certain people, Boko Haram for example, seeking to challenge the Government have resorted to extra-judicial means, the Government ought to celebrate Mr. Njoku and hold him out as an example to follow on dispute resolution. It is totally unacceptable that he should be in trouble, instead.

I recall that a similar situation arose in 1999, when a group of Nigerian politicians explored the possibility of challenging in court General Olusegun Obasanjo’s candidacy in that year’s election on the ground that Obasanjo was an ex-convict. It is always a good thing when a person takes a controversy to the court for the clarification of the law.

It is from the above premise that one must approach the allegations of rape now being pursued by the Government against Mr. Njoku. This prosecution for rape appears consistent with the claim of persecution. Though the details of the rape charge are not yet fully out, it seems strange that none of this happened until Mr. Njoku became a “threat” to the plan for President Jonathan to run in the next election.

We are familiar with the brutal repression that Nigerian Government is capable of. I empathize with Mr. Njoku and his family for their ordeal. It is particularly disturbing that the Government of Nigerian should target his lawyer for persecution. The message is clearly aimed to intimidate Mr. Njoku and his lawyer and scare any other lawyer that he may hire to represent him. Naturally, most Nigerian lawyers considering representing Mr. Njoku will now fear for their lives, having seen what happened to the first lawyer. For that reason alone, I have no choice but to offer my services to Mr. Njoku. The ramifications of the behavior of the President and his men are profound. They are basically interfering with the people’s access to the courts of the land.

It is in consideration of these issues that I shall volunteer to represent Mr. Njoku as one of his counsel and help him regain his freedom. It may come with a touch of irony that as Mr. Njoku’s former lawyer in Nigeria was escaping from Nigeria to seek political asylum in Germany, I would be planning to travel from Washington to Nigeria to represent Mr. Njoku. Whatever the consequence, I feel an urgent need to stand with this man at this time. There may be consequences for me, especially as the German Government has shown it believed that Nigerian Government persecuted Mr. Njoku’s former lawyer. I realize that the weapon Nigerian officials have used to control the people is the weapon of fear. But I am not afraid. I am eager to meet the Nigerian Government officials in court. Let’s see what they’ve got.

Finally, we must not forget the due process implications of Mr. Njoku’s case. If indeed he has committed the offence of rape, he ought to have been arraigned and granted bail to enable  him prepare for his defence  These are rights that every human being is entitled to under the Constitution of Nigeria. To detain the man, and not arraign him and to deny him full access to his lawyers are egregious violations of important rights. With such a situation, every Nigerian lawyer that is able ought to step out in defence of the rights of the oppressed. I shall just do that.

Saturday, 13 April 2013

MY CASE AGAINST SAHARAREPORTERS


MY CASE AGAINST SAHARAREPORTERS

Many people who are just hearing about my case against Saharareporters may not understand what it is all about. Even some of those who have heard about it in the past still may not understand the controversy. Even though such things as 1.5 million dollars of Embassy money may have been mentioned several times, that has little to do with my case against Saharareporters.

Also, let me make it clear to all, my case and my struggle are against the Nigerian Government. My enemy is the Nigerian Government. My opponents are the following people: Ambassador Adebowale Adefuye, Mrs. Farida Waziri, Mr. Ibrahim Lamorde, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Attorney-General Mohammed Adoke. These are my enemies. The only connection or involvement of Saharareporters occurred as a coincidence.

In 2008, a dispute arose between me and Saharareporters because Sowore was blackmailing a client of mine, demanding money from him and threatening to publish more false stories about him unless a ransom was paid to him. As a lawyer, fear is one thing I have not known. Even though I had, by 2008, become aware of the dangerous ways Sowore was operating with his Saharareporters, there was no way I could not confront him for blackmailing my client. I sent him a warning in December of 2008. I promised severe consequences if he were to continue. And this was how the coincidence came about.

It happened that around the same time, trouble was brewing in the relationship between me and the new leadership of the Nigerian Embassy in Washington. The embassy and the Nigerian Government owed me money and refused to pay unless we bribed them. They finally signed a retainer that authorized us to keep 1.5 dollars, which was only a part of what they had owed us in 8 years of work. Even out of that 1.5 million, they came for their “cut”. But I refused to give them a dime. That was how the storm blew off.

In February of 2009, Sowore became aware of this trouble because the Ambassador then, General Rotimi, had tried to use Saharareporters to attack the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Chief Ojo Maduekwe. The Ambassador’s target was not me. He merely wanted to spread the story that Ojo Maduekwe was involved in some phantom real estate fraud and that they paid the lawyer (me) 1.5 million dollars. When Sowore got this story, he saw an opportunity to focus on me rather than the person he was hired to attack. That was the coincidence. Saharareporters published in March of 2009 that Emeka Ugwuonye committed fraud. It was a preemptive strike at me and my law firm. It was also a message to my client that I could not protect him from Saharareporters. I had to fight back with a lawsuit for defamation. That is the case Okey Ndibe and other employees of Saharareporters are talking about.

What really happened in my client’s case? In October and November of 2008, there was a prominent political figure in Port Harcourt. Sowore, working with Terry Wires, conspired to attack that politician in order to extort money from him. They accused him of paying money to avoid corruption investigation. The man was planning to run for the Governorship of his state and such story was devastating to him. He didn’t know what to do. He wanted to sue Saharareporters. For that, he needed an American lawyer. I happened to be in Nigeria in December of 2008 and someone who knew me arranged for the man to meet and brief me. I flew to Port Harcourt where I met with the man. He was so pained and so bitter about the lies Saharareporters had published against him. He also revealed to me that Sowore had threatened to publish more damaging falsehoods about him and his sick wife unless he paid Sowore, I believe, two hundred thousand dollars in ransom. I was shocked. I saw text messages of demands for the payment.

I warned the man of the difficulties of trying to sue Sowore in the US because it would be difficult for him to sustain such a suit because he was based in Nigeria and would be busy campaigning for his elections. I suggested to him to take the matter to the police. But we agreed it would be useless since Sowore was not in Nigerian. We agreed that I should nevertheless warn Sowore of the consequences of his behavior and let him know that a lawsuit was imminent. That, I did.

One thing is clear and we all know it now. Never before in the history of Nigeria did we have a situation like Sowore and Saharareporters. Few factors make this development unique. First, you have in Sowore a man with a totally depraved conscience and near inability to appreciate the degree of harm he caused his victims. Second, this was an online medium, which made it possible for him to reach thousands of audience with minimum effort. The online capability was a dangerous weapon if left in the hands of a man without conscience or sense of accountability. And Sowore is such man. This is a person that hates humanity. He hates the society. His early life and upbringing filled him with so much hate and bitterness that he feels that successful people robbed him his own happiness. He is a man out on a vengeance mission. Not having ever studied journalism or been part of any journalistic body, he does not appreciate the ethics of that profession at all.

As a lawyer and a professional, I had ample opportunity to observe Sowore and his methods. Also, I had the opportunity of sitting down with him and cross-examining him for six good hours. I had a deep penetration into his mind and soul. While preparing for the case against Sowore, I received many complaints from people, including people he robbed while a student in Unilag, cases of rape involving him, and all other dangerous criminal activities he was part of before coming to the United States. (I was not surprised to see similar allegations in the link below).

Another factor that enable Sowore and Saharareporters was that for the first time ever, you had a situation where someone could publish damaging falsehood from a location that is beyond the reach of the courts of the place where the victim is located. The fact is that it is impossible for a person based in Nigeria to sue Sowore in America. It is nearly impossible. Sowore knew that his victims could not reach him and he felt safe doing whatever he liked to them. And with that power, he turned it into big money from blackmails and shakedowns. Further, when people realized that they had no way to hold Sowore responsible for his actions, they had two choices: either to pay money for Sowore to leave them alone or to quietly bear the indignities and abuse. That made Sowore and his Saharareporters seemingly invincible, enough to blackmail even the President and his family. All the Governors fear him just because he could blackmail anybody, and many of them are paying him ransom money.

In addition to this, there is yet another factor that helped Sowore and Saharareporters. Nigeria is a society so terribly misruled that there has been a deep-rooted distrust for people in power. It is so easy to believe that a public official did something wrong. And it is so easy to exaggerate their wrongdoing. So, the ordinary people in Nigeria are hungry for negative stories about their oppressive leaders. And Nigerian leadership foolishly encourage this factor by continuing to run government business and affairs in secrecy and non-transparent manner. Because government business is shrouded in secrecy, Sowore knew that the people would not be able to verify the truth in the first place. So, he would just guess and write anything he likes, as there is nothing with which to contradict him.

Another factor has to do with the general and widespread gullibility of the average Nigerian. It doesn’t matter how silly a story is, the average Nigerian is likely to believe it. And you don’t blame them. The Government had been responsible for the decline in the quality of education in the country. I recall in 1988, as a student of Uniben, I participated in protests over some phantom story supposedly in the Ebony Magazine, which alleged that General Babangida owned the biggest watch-making company in Switzerland. I had to mention this incident because it was a classic example of mass ignorance and folly. Not only was there no such story in the Ebony Magazine, that was also not the sort of things that Magazine focused on. And furthermore, owning a watch-making company would not be a smart way for a corrupt dictator to hide money stolen from his country. It was a dummy story and yet we protested over it and lost the lives of a few students over it. Nigeria hasn’t changed much even twenty years after.

One final factor that made the phenomenal lies of Saharareporters possible was the acrimonious and vicious nature of Nigerians when dealing with one another. Someone is always out there to bring his or her neighbor down. And Saharareporters had become a suitable weapon for such vendetta. So, the wife of one Minister who is envious of the wife of another Minister, would sponsor falsehood against her enemy through Saharareporters. And Sowore would charge for such service. When a vendetta is sponsored by an insider, it always comes with some tissue of truth, which is then exaggerated by Saharareporters to make it sound authentic, all for a fee. Example; the Minister’s child is sick indeed and has gone to the hospital. With that truth about the Minister’s family, Sowore could now approach the Minister and threaten to publish a story that his child is suffering from epilepsy or HIV Aids. And once Saharareporters could establish that there was a visit to the hospital, he tends to believe that everything else in the story would be credible. Faced with such a situation, the Minister would rather pay money to Sowore and Saharareporters to avoid such false story being published about his family. But what Sowore does is criminal. He gets away with it because his victims are in Nigeria. The Nigerian police cannot reach him and the American police are not interested where the victim could not reach them. It is a perfect crime scenario for Sowore.

Through, Sowore and Saharareporters became so powerful that even powerful people feared them. Take for instance the link below. You can see a former IG of Police literally crying that Saharareporters is out to destroy him. That’s power, an evil power, to harm others. Can you believe that even the EFCC Boss was afraid of Saharareporters ability to lie against her such that she was willing to please Sowore. For instance, EFCC agreed to supply Sowore with any information he wanted about me provided he would refrain from ever publishing any negative story about the EFCC or Mrs. Farida Waziri. Sowore kept to his part of this deal. For instance, between January 2010 and January 2011, Saharareporters ran over six negative stories about the EFCC Chairman. I was arrested by EFCC in February of 2011. And between February 2011 and January 2012, Saharareporters did not run even one single negative story against the EFCC. Even when the Human Right Watch filed a damning report against the EFCC, Saharareporters said nothing. Even when Mrs. Farida Waziri was found to have forged her certificates or lied about her qualifications, Saharareporters did not publish a word of it. And even when Mrs. Waziri was fired for corruption, Saharareporters said nothing. It was all because there was a deal on my head.

Also, Sowore blackmailed the EFCC into sabotaging my case in order to detain me in Nigeria long enough for the case I filed against him in American to be dismissed. That’s how dangerous the little man Sowore had become simply because of the combination of the above factors.

THE NEW REALITY: The fact is that so much has changed since 2009. From defamation suit to an involvement in torture and illegal detention, Sowore is not going to leave the courts for the next 10 years. Those of his friends who are celebrating what they call victory have no idea what awaits him in the future as far as the law courts are concerned.

Also, a lot about Sowore and Saharareporters has come to light. He is not the same outfit people thought he was. He is a plain criminal and more will be revealed about his methods and operation. Besides, he doesn’t have monopoly anymore over online communications. He will come under more and more pressure to give up his criminal methods and revert to genuine journalism. The only problem with that is that he lacks the talent to compete in the market for legitimate journalism. So, it is fair to say that the days of Saharareporters are numbered.


http://www.newsexpressngr.com/news/detail.php?news=1450&title=Okiro-laments-negative-campaign-by-SaharaReporters,-says-Publisher-not-clean-(No,-I’m-clean-—Sowore)